Hatursorðræða og forræðishyggjan — Viðtal við dr. Tomislav Sunic
Dr. Tomislav Sunic — Authoritarianism, ,,Hate Speech“ Legislation & Universalism, júní, 2014.
Joshua Blakeney ræðir við dr. Tomislav Sunic stjórnmálafræðing, fyrrum prófessor og sendifulltrúa Króatíu. Dr. Sunic er höfundur fjölda bóka og ritrýnda ritgerða. Kunnustu verk hans hjá almennum lesendum eru bækurnar Homo americanus: Child of the Postmodern Age, Against Democracy and Equality: The European New Right og Postmortem Report: Cultural Examinations from Postmodernity (Collected Essays).
Against Democracy and Equality was the first book ever published in the English language on the European New Right, and it remains an indispensable introduction to a school of thought which remains a vibrant force in the understanding of European politics. Also included for the first time is the Manifesto for a European Renaissance, which highlights the positions of the New Right as it enters a new millennium.Meira →
In this book Dr. Tomislav Sunic describes the origins and dynamics of America's founding myths. Quoting and translating from many long-forgotten or suppressed sources from the fields of literature, history, anthropology and philosophy, the book represents an interdisciplinary compendium dealing with the topic of Americanism.Meira →
Úrdráttur úr kaflanum ,,The ‘Gramscianism’ of the Right“ í Against Democracy and Equality: The European New Right eftir dr. Tomislav Sunic
According to the New Right, the world is a battlefield of ideas, and therefore, the political process in any country is primarily a war of ideas. Culture is the most effective carrier of political ideas because culture mobilises the popular consciousness not only by virtue of ephemeral slogans, but also by a genuine appeal to the historical memory of the people. Reversing the Marxist theorem, the New Right argues that ideas, and not economic infrastructure, constitute the foundation of every polity. The reason that the dominant socialist and liberal ideologies have been politically successful is primarily due to the fact that socialist and liberal theorists have more adroitly instilled cultural consensus in the masses.
As a result, modern egalitarian societies are in a position today to assert their historical validity and their allegedly scientific character, since, at any rate, their intellectual leaders had already laid a firm grip on the realm of culture. By using the Gramscian strategy of political conquest, the New Right concedes that the source of political power must be preceded by socio-cultural action. Cultural power is a prerequisite of political power; henceforth, those who are able to leave their imprint on culture will inevitably score gains in the political arena.
Culture is not just an ornament or a ‘superstructure’ to be delivered piecemeal to the people; it is a vital and indispensable part of human development capable of inducing social consensus and providing a ruling elite with lasting political legitimacy. The New Right conceives of modern liberal and socialist systems as being two worn-out myths that sway the masses not because of their scientific character, but rather thanks to their monopolisation of culture. The real force that sustains liberalism and socialism is the cultural consensus
that reigns more or less undisturbed in the higher echelons of the educational and legal systems. Once these cultural centres of power are removed, the system must change its infrastructure — and not, as Marx claimed, the other way around. The main reason that conservative movements and regimes have been unable to gain lasting political legitimacy lies in their inability to successfully infiltrate the cultural level of society in order to introduce another ‘counter-ideology’ to the masses.
Should conservative movements genuinely desire to become politically consolidated, they must first and foremost elaborate their own cultural strategy, which will ultimately help them to dislodge socialist and liberal leverage in the political arena. One must first conquer the brains before conquering the state, argues the New Right, or to paraphrase Georges Sorel, each political ‘aspirant’ must first create his powerful secular or spiritual myth in order to win over the masses.
Left-wing movements have traditionally been better at understanding the political role of culture than conservative movements. In contrast, modern conservatives naïvely cling to the belief that, in the long run, only economics can dissolve all radical ideologies, including that of their Marxist foes. For the New Right, all political movements are doomed to failure unless they fully grasp the meaning of culture, popular myths, and popular modern sensibilities. Worse, they will forever be prevented from acquiring the political respectability that only culture imparts.
— Dr. Tomislav Sunic, Against Democracy and Equality: The European New Right (2011)